It is through polls that people get the opportunities to participate in putting in power leaders who impact their lives.
In a research paper, Advocate Muganyizi Shubi argues that Tanzania’s political transformations began in 1991, and in 1992, a single-party system was replaced by multipartism.
According to him, the changes led to the 8th amendment of the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania by virtue of which the National Electoral Commission (NEC) was established under Article 74 (1) of the same. Likewise, the Political Parties Act 12 was enacted in the same year together with the amendment of the Elections Act 13 (currently the National Elections Act 14) which existed even during single party system to ensure fair and equal opportunities to the party’s members in election.
Now, the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) had to compete with its rivals in the political arena to take the leadership of the country. And three years later, (1995) Tanzania held its first multi-party polls. In 1995 Tanzania held elections that were incredibly competitive paving the way for eligible Tanzanians to vote for the President, Member of Parliament, and councillors.
With lessons learnt in 1995, the government made some amendments to the presidential election legislation which introduced a plurality vote system as a determiner of the winner, a shift from the majority vote system. According to some political analysts, while plurality vote is one in which a candidate who polls more votes than any other candidate is elected, this is different from a majority vote of which one to win, must receive more votes than all other candidates combined.
Additionally, the amendments also made it legal for women to have more special seats (not less than 20 percent but no more than 30 percent), an increase from 15.5 percent that was preserved for women after the general election in 1995. The young democratic nation also observed the introduction of the Traditional Hospitality Act popularly known as ‘Takrima’, however, the Act was outlawed six years later by the High Court of Tanzania after three non-governmental organisations filed a case challenging section 119 (2) and 130 (b) and (c) of the National Election Act that had endorsed ‘Takrima’.
Media reports indicated that a total of 862 candidates were registered for the 2000 elections, representing 13 political parties, whereby CCM had candidates in every constituency, followed by the opposition Civic United Front (CUF). The opposition was going to the poll absorbing what had happened in 1995 election where CCM candidate Benjamin Mkapa, who became the country’s third president, secured 4.0 million votes, equivalent to 61.8 percent of the casted votes.
Augustino Mrema who had defected from CCM, secured 1.8 million votes equal to 27.8 percent for his NCCR-Mageuzi. Prof Ibrahim Lipumba from CUF got 410,000 votes (6.4 percent), while for United Democratic Party (UDP), businessman cum politician John Cheyo (Bwana Mapesa as he as commonly referred to) had garnered at least 250,000 votes (4.0 percent).
Therefore, political parties mobilised eligible voters through their campaigns both rural and urban which persuaded them to vote. Politicians enhance people’s awareness of their civic rights as well as persuading them to be interested in matters of governance and national development.
The move increased voters turnout, as at least 10,064,266 eligible voters registered for the 2000 elections, of whom 9,624,507 were on Tanzania mainland, the turnout was exceptionally high, as the numbers accounted for nearly 98 percent of the official estimate of the eligible voting population compared to roughly 76 percent recorded in 1995.
But prior to the 2000 general election, political parties wrestled to find suitable candidates for the race within their own circle, CCM had President Mkapa on board, while for the Tanzania Labour Party (TLP), its chairperson Augustine Mrema, was confident to win the race recalling his votes in the 1995 election.
Prof Lipumba joined forces with Chadema with an agreement that would see both parties in leadership positions, but Mr Cheyo withdrew from Chadema-CUF coalition, and chose to become his party’s flag-bearer.
According to long-term observer reports of the registration process by the European Union (EU), over 8 million valid votes were cast in the presidential election, marking a remarkably high voter turnout of over 80 percent.
During the campaign, people turned out in their thousands to listen to the four presidential candidates. This made each candidate believe he/she was going to win and then proceeded to vote in large numbers. It is said that the 2000 elections shared parallels in terms of similar campaigning styles, messages, and programmes. What stood out from the 1995 experience, however, was a determination by each party not to give in to the other. CUF in particular were less intimidated by CCM’s coded threats than in the previous elections.
In his journal on review for political economy, Greg Cameron, Political analyst wrote: “Commonplace on the campaign trail were CUF’s slogans of ‘jino kwa jino’ (tooth for a tooth) and ‘ngangari’ (unshakable) dominated its rallies. Although for CUF, the slogans were meant to show their determination but for CCM it provided proof of the opposition’s predilection to cause chaos. On campaign issues, CUF’s platform was common to both the Isles and the mainland.
Moreover, after the vote had been casted and the tallying was done, it emerged that the incumbent President Mkapa (CCM) had been re-elected with 71.7 percent of the vote, taking 167 of the 181 mainland seats in Parliament.
On the other hand, 12 women belonged to CCM, won Parliament seats in their respective constituencies and with an additional 43 seats reserved for women, the total number of women MPs rose to 55, an increase from the 46 in 1995.
CUF’s presidential candidate Lipumba was a distant second with 16.3 percent of the vote and the opposition shared the remaining 14 Parliament seats.
CUF subsequently emerged to become one of the strongest opposition parties in the country, and the most supported party on the islands, garnering great support in Zanzibar.
Moreover, some opposition leaders boycotted Mkapa’s inauguration as president, citing irregularities in the Zanzibar poll, as well as claiming the elections had not been free and that they would not recognise President Mkapa.
In Zanzibar Aman Abeid Karume was declared the winner, subsequently CCM won a two thirds majority in the House of Representative, though the election had to be held again in 16 constituencies.
10 opposition parties which took part in the Zanzibar election, rejected the results with CUF refusing to recognise President Karume, and in protest; CUF MP’s opted to boycott both the National Assembly and the Zanzibar House of Representative.
Yet, local, and foreign observers commended the mainland election for being broadly free and fair, even though there were claims of irregularities in some places, saying they could not have affected the overall result.
But Dr Gaositwe Chiepe, chairperson of the Commonwealth Monitoring Group, was quoted as saying: “We wish to record our sadness and deep disappointment at the way in which so many voters were treated by the ZEC. In many places this election was a shambles.”
According to Human Rights Watch, the 2000 election has left a damaging image to the country’s democracy as death reports emerged, there was unprecedented use of exessive force to subdue the riots, as there were mass protests, 2,000 Zanzibaris mainly from Pemba, fled to Kenya as refugees.
President Benjamin Mkapa formed an inquiry that was led by retired Brigadier General Hashim Mbita into Zanzibar’s January 2001 chaos which indicated that the chaos led to the killings of 30 people, the destruction of properties and some residents being left with permanent deformities.
Thanks to former President Ally Hassan Mwinyi, who after the saga, recalled Mwalimu Nyerere’s recommendation to the Zanzibaris after similar incidents had occurred 1995, that they should opt to form a government of national unity.
Moreover, ‘Mzee’ Mwinyi’s proposal seemed tricky in its implementation as CUF had refused to recognise President Karume. However, in March 2001 a seven month dialogue was held, which resulted in CCM and CUF signing a comprehensive Accord known as ‘Mwafaka.’
The late President Mkapa has since expressed his regrets over the killings in his book entitled, ‘My Life, My Purpose’ that he launched in 2019 saying the chaos will remain a scar in his presidency, despite the fact that he was not present when it occurred.
